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iwac betting term meaning muscle

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Further interrogation of the raw data would perhaps allow cross comparison between people of the same ethnic groups in different locations, and between people of varied ethnic groups at the same location. These further investigations may be of significant value in understanding any place based reasons why variations in frequency of use occur.

The Community Green study established that all participants placed the same value on access to green space, regardless of their ethnicity, when assessed against a range of factors that they considered would make a good neighbourhood. Burgess, et al. CABE The OpenSPACE researchers seem to infer from this that if all ethnicities value parks equally, but ethnic minorities are under-represented as park users, then something external is inhibiting ethnic minorities from using parks.

They then link this idea with previous research findings CABE that people of minority ethnicities have less quality parks in their neighbourhoods, determine the issue must be distance from home, and conclude that green space closer to home, for example in social housing areas, should be improved to encourage use, and better deliver health benefits from using outdoor space to people of ethnic minorities. This recommendation would of course increase the amount of nearby quality green space for many people, but as a conclusion to the study, it does not seem to follow from their research findings.

Perceived quality by participants was however of great significance, though not explored, and was variable by ethnicity even for the same park. Gomez points out that normal levels of park use for each ethnicity may vary irrespective of any value placed on the park, and that white American in his study behaviour should not be taken as normative.

What the CABE Community Green study does provide however, is statistical support for the theory that there is significant variation in park use frequency by ethnicity in the UK, at a greater level than differences due to income variation, and this variation in frequency of use would be likely to result in under-representation of BME groups as park users in any user count.

What the study fails to do in my view is to adequately explain why. Leisure Studies in the US has been attempting to investigate this question since at least the s, when interest was sparked by a study published by the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission Gomez, Broadly speaking the two approaches proposed to explain observed differences in levels of and preferences for park use by ethnicity are to identify socioeconomic factors and structures at a societal level as the most influential, or to identify agency, at either a group or individual level as the most influential.

Edwin Gomez in his PhD research working with the Puerto Rican community in Massachusetts makes the point that race and ethnicity are not interchangeable, describing how the Puerto Rican community have a strong ethnic identity within US society, however their skin colour and other racial attributes are very varied Gomez, It is obvious that there are many cultures and traditions with different values within continents like Europe, or Africa, and even within the individual countries of these continents, that are not discernable by phenotypical variation.

The critique of equating race and ethnicity, which has been levelled at Leisure Studies researchers in the US is equally valid in the UK, not least in the UK census , a point I will return to later in this literature review.

This hypothesis has faced challenges since the early s. Myron Floyd has critiqued researchers testing the marginality hypothesis for not adequately defining marginalisation, and in particular for generally failing to operationalise racial discrimination as part of its definition, and consequently for testing only class based rather than race based effects.

The factors measured typically include financial resources, measures of educational achievement, and employment opportunities. With regard to ethnic minorities access to the countryside and National Parks in the UK, research has tended to be hampered by a general lack of information on visitors generally. Quoting from a visitor survey for the Chilterns Area of Outstanding National Beauty The role of ethnicity and culture in countryside recreation has not received adequate research attention in the UK.

It is common sense that it would be harder to visit a park often if it was far away from rather than near to your location, particularly for those with financial and time constraints, and that habits 27 of park use are likely to form in, or to adapt to a space more readily available to you. Research papers support this finding broadly Stodolska et al, ; Gordon-Larsen et al , ; Powell, et al , The cited studies have not all concluded that opportunity is the prevailing formative factor in preferences for outdoor recreation.

Theories of the interplay between configuration of space and social structure are discussed in greater depth in Chapter Three. British Waterways: Birmingham and Black Country Canals Perception Survey Inland Waterways Amenity Council provides quantitative data that seems to challenge the supposition that proximity is key to, or formative of use.

A majority of residents were therefore under-represented as visitors. Women, especially those with children in the household, retired people, young people, and Asian respondents were the least likely to have visited the canal. Their finding indicates that proximity and social status, though influential, are not the only factors influencing use of open space.

US studies tend to be quantitative in approach. Gobster found that ethnic variations were discernible in park use patterns and preferences, however he stresses there were many similarities in activities, in what participants said they enjoyed, and what they disliked. The performance of spatial practices in public are part of the process of creating and sustaining of ethnic identity. The collective use of space can assist in the establishment of sense of a collectivity with shared values and customs Floyd Cultural variation is looked at in greater detail in section 2.

Comparing these studies, as well as the common themes emerging from them, there are also differences notable between the reported preferences of people of the same stated ethnicity in different places, even within the same country. For example while Gobster found limited use of the fishing lake by Puerto Ricans compared with other ethnicities in Chicago, Gomez found opportunities to fish to be a primary driver of significant use of a distant park for a Puerto Rican community in Massachusetts.

This hypothesis proposes that as minority cultures become acculturated to mainstream cultural norms and practices, they take on more leisure practices typical of the majority culture Gomez , Floyd and Gramann and park use increases as a result. Further discussion of research supporting this hypothesis can be found in Section 2. These studies document many instances of ethnic minorities not using parks and other green spaces in predominantly white areas because of the hostile reactions of white people to their presence, and anticipation of unchallenged unfair treatment by staff.

The small number of participants, the variety of ethnicities, ages , time in the UK, educational background, gender etc , and the limited number of studies of similar conditions means the results are indicative of generalised tendency to culturally based differences, rather than identifying widely generalisable cultural norms, even within any ethnic minority.

They are reported as saying they would avoid broadleaf woodlands completely, unless as some part of organised adventure activity, and thought such spaces would be dirty or unsafe. The researchers attribute these feelings in part to positive experience of coniferous woodlands in Pakistan and Kashmir, and knowledge of primarily urban woodland in their UK environment.

Her primary motivation in research appears to be seeking ways to encourage greater use of British urban landscapes by ethnic minorities, and the potential for landscape to ease processes of migration by creating 30 links to places of origin. Rishbeth remarks on how public parks in different countries evidence tastes or fashions in landscape that contrast with UK norms: for example, the popularity of brightly lit fountains in parks in Pakistan, or for electronic music played through speakers in Chinese parks.

This is in contrast to the more common research portrayal of parks as uniform spaces, where differences between users are the only identified variable, and the possible impacts of spaces themselves are largely ignored - a critique of much research in this area Byrne , Byrne and Wolch In their diverse home countries, everyday play mostly took place in outdoor spaces near home.

More formal trips to either large urban parks, or to the countryside, with large groups of extended family for picnics were a common activity at weekend Rishbeth While her paper does not quantify use of outdoor space by migrant women in their home countries, it shows outdoor recreation is very much part of their pre migration life experience and cultural background, and that adapting to life in the UK successfully in their terms would include opportunities for similar experiences here, a finding echoing Burgess et al In her thesis looking at South Asian migrants in Sweden, Johanna Mantere Mantere describes difficulties faced by larger migrant groups seeking to picnic in local park spaces, as in their country of origin, but finding formal seating provision too limited, and inadequate, and the ground too wet for informal seating for much of the year.

The study looks at Mexican migrants and Mexican Americans who are reproducing the function of plazas in Mexican public life in the only open space available to them - the public park -though its design means it is poorly suited to this function. Washburne did not empirically investigate this theory himself, but it has been subject to considerable study in the US ever since, with mixed results. The study was later published in , is widely cited, and has been influential in shaping parks policy in the US.

Gomez continues to publish in the field. He began by looking at five factors that leisure studies theory proposed influence frequency of visit: acculturation, socioeconomic status, subcultural identity, perceived discrimination, public recreation participation, and a further factor, perceived benefits of public recreation, which he ultimately concluded was worthy of more study. He also demonstrated a link between ethnicity and marginality which he found to be a spurious not a causal link.

The assumption that a lower frequency of use would be preferred by Puerto Ricans outside the American urban context, or elsewhere in the US is not tested by his study nor theoretically established in his literature review. His thesis concluded like Rishbeth, and others that parks should inculcate a greater sense of belonging by catering to ethnic minorities in terms of their leisure preferences and language needs, in order to increase the frequency of their park visits.

While I would tend to agree with this position, I find it hard to connect this conclusion with his empirical research. A recommendation for cultural adaptation of park spaces seems contradictory to his initial stance regarding cultural norms. It indicates an assumption that there is a demand for greater park use amongst the Puerto Rican community, and that the current configuration of park spaces and park management practices in the US is excluding to them.

There is little support for any perception of cultural exclusion of Puerto Ricans by Americans in his study except by the police, a finding he chose to reject from the model as problematic , and no evidence there might be increased park use because of the recommended inclusive approaches. In general, the level of consistency in establishing a distinctive Puerto Rican identity, compared with American identity in the responses of subjects seems low, and the findings therefore seem questionable.

The contradictory finding of a relatively high preference for Spanish language print media was deemed inconsistent with the theoretical model for acculturation, and the finding excluded. I question this correlation. It may have nothing to do with taking on American leisure patterns. Discrimination was recorded in survey results, in particular, hostile attitudes from the police, but this finding was also dismissed as an anomaly for statistical reasons.

The impact of racism on use of public space is described in greater detail in 2. The most intriguing aspect of this study to my mind is not fully explored, and relates to the parks that are visited by Puerto Ricans in Southbridge. Of the two parks most used by participants one park was very close to the main Puerto Rican neighbourhood, and had been adapted to favour the activity preferences, particularly sport preferences, of the community.

The other park, surprisingly the one most frequently visited over all, was on the other side of town, further than any other park in Southbridge from the main Puerto Rican residential area. The park was used for many participants community events such as church picnics, on the grounds of its natural landscape.

Uniquely in Southbridge, it offered the possibility of fishing - described as culturally important by Gomez in contrast to Gobster There is as with other studies no description of park context, surrounding neighbourhoods, or accessibility.

The literature exploring park use by minority groups in the UK provides evidence that racist behaviours towards minorities limits their access to park spaces, to levels below those desired or normative for them. In park spaces, unchallenged hostility creates fear, both of recurrent verbal abuse and of physical attack.

The majority of research in this area is qualitative, and tends to involve relatively small numbers of participants, and questions therefore arise about the generalisability of findings from any individual case. However the sheer quantity of these qualitative studies, and commonality of findings, points to widespread experiences of racism towards ethnic minorities, constraining their movement in public space.

To further support a claim for generalisability, there is quantitative evidence, for example from the British Crime Survey, that indicates these are typical rather than atypical experiences. Because it has happened sometimes - quite a few times when you go out Sometimes somebody push them from the slide or something like -some bigger boys and all come.

Welling is the headquarters of the British Movement. They are always around - something going on. We 34 have to be always there. Not alone. They play in the open space [in front of the house] but not in the parks at all. Racist abuse and graffiti were raised by migrant participants from Somalia as major deterrents to using nearby outdoor space for recreation, and supervised indoor spaces at a nearby community centre were used in preference. This type of fear generated constraint on park use is supported by evidence from studies of other public spaces.

They would avoid areas they considered dangerous, where racist attitudes and attacks had been known. In those accounts, Victoria Park was one of the places most feared by Asian young women, which they related to the murder of a female jogger there in Gaskell, Parks and playgrounds, which many people might consider as good places for young people, are among the spaces considered most dangerous, and to be avoided. These stories and discourses about particular places are passed on In the British Waterways: Birmingham and Black Country Canals Perception Survey Inland Waterways Amenity Council , the groups identified as least likely to use a nearby canal for recreation are those most likely to be constrained by fear - the least physically or socially powerful - women, young people, older people, and people from ethnic minorities.

Feminist literature has extensively explored how women can be deterred from using public spaces see discussion in Marne or Pain through fear of sexual attack, a fear reinforced in everyday life by: family protectionism; disapproval, harassment, or verbal abuse of women in public space; anecdotal stories of female sexual attack; and sensationalised accounts publicised by the media. Women therefore also monitor their own movements to avoid censure. Far higher levels of fear of racial attack, and of dogs in UK parks have been reported by Afro-Caribbean and Asian research participants Madge Burgess focus group discussions about urban fringe woodlands found that while all women feared to go into the woods alone, most women interviewed felt able to manage these constraints by being accompanied in their use of the woods by a male companion.

Asian women however felt they needed to be in large groups to enter the woods in safety. Their fear of abuse and attack was reflective of the actual threat. Researchers stressed the importance of recognising these women had not been culturally constrained to remaining in the home prior to the increase in hostility to Muslims. They report that impacts on spatial constraint were exacerbated because of Islamic practices of gender segregated activity, which meant that women were not always able to use male protection as a strategy to allow them to continue to pursue preferred leisure practices in public space, as white women had done in Burgess study.

Fear of attack thus severely delimits the potential of certain urban social groups to undertake recreational activities within urban parks. Suspicion and fear is not only directed at ethnic minorities: all those who are seen as potentially threatening, but are socially less powerful tend to suffer similar reactions.

In addition to racism expressed as fear in everyday encounters, racism of this type has been shown to operate at an institutional level. Police bias along racial lines is also reported in interactions with women from minority ethnic groups as well. This individual case in a US city seems of little value as evidence of wider social perceptions, especially in a UK context, however as previously stated, other quantitative sources provide evidence that this case may be illustrative of wider perceptions of the police in minority groups here in the UK.

With increased distance from park spaces, there is decreased likelihood of frequent visits for all who are time and finance constrained, though as Byrne , and other cited examples demonstrate, proximity to quality green space is not a guarantee that everyone will feel equally able to make use of the space.

For people of 38 ethnic minorities, with increased distance, there is an increased likelihood of everyday racist encounters constraining movement. As Doreen Massey describes, public spaces are meeting up places, and rights to them are negotiated in more or less socially regulated ways Massey Landscape preference research developed from explorations of aesthetics in the s in the fields of geography and psychology, with an aim of understanding whether there were common environmental factors, or some kind of biological needs at work when people found particular landscapes beautiful.

The relevance of the field to this thesis, which is investigating the role of cultural values in perceived park quality or landscape taste, and so on behaviour, lies not only in reviewing the methods that have been commonly used to investigate landscape preferences, or in the influences on landscape preference that have been uncovered, though both are important.

These are subject to similar criticism and contradictory empirical findings Buijs, et al. Relatively open landscapes, with fresh water, edged or dotted with vegetation, as represented in many of these artworks or valorised landscapes, provided optimum conditions for survival, in that they contained opportunities to survey the scene, prospect allowing humans both to hunt or avoid attack, and shelter in which to hide defensively refuge.

While others had proposed that the beauty seen in the landscape was related to sexual symbols, Appleton felt this kind of symbolism was a little far-fetched. In the close fitting relationship between animals and their adaptation to their habitat to favour survival he found a more realistic root of pleasurable feelings.

The ideal condition would be to see, without being seen. He carries the idea beyond real prospects and refuges into things that can be interpreted as symbols of them. He claimed that in images of landscape, in urban scenes, and even in abstract painting, light represented wide open spaces, and to some extent exposure and therefore danger. Darkness, in the landscape, found in caves or in woodland edges, provided safety and feelings of security.

A balance of these elements would be received as beautiful, and landscapes seen from darkness looking into light would tend to be the most preferred, as these represented the ideal conditions of view from safety. While some of the arguments made in the book appear at least plausible, and Appleton does say he would allow in his thinking for some cultural differences or learned tastes , his enthusiasm for turning almost everything into prospects and refuges leads him to speculations that seem highly subjective.

He theorised people liked looking at sunsets because they imagine what the view would be like if they were 40 on the sun, representing the ultimate prospect, with a view of everything. The book has been praised for its ambitious interdisciplinary subject matter, and enjoyable writing style, but has also been, not unreasonably, severely critiqued for its flawed argument, for example: substituting repetition of an unsupported theory as evidence for it; taking a very narrow focus on particular development in European Art, the Picturesque in which, it is argued, particular ways of seeing, composing pictorial scenes, and representing space were adopted and normalised , without looking at any examples from outside that period or that culture, yet claiming it as a proof of a universal biologically based aesthetics; conflating painting composition and aesthetics of painting with actual landscape experience; and for claiming symbolic meanings as universal when they are arguably not shared at all, even within a narrow European cultural frame of reference.

Howett, ; Bourassa, ; Bergman, ; Morgan, A very recent British study investigating universal claims of the restorative effects of natural scenery used a series of tests on a total of students and alumni at a British university, with different participants either in outdoor spaces, with still photographs, or video footage. Landscapes with what were characterised as high amounts of refuge and low prospect in this example unmanaged native woodland , rather than inducing feelings of security as Appleton predicted, were indeed found to induce stress and fear, increased anger and a reduced ability to complete cognitive tests.

Consequently some natural landscapes were found to have had harmful rather than restorative impacts. Environments with higher levels of prospect - i. William H. Vegetation, shade and 41 water still provide welcome climate regulation. Good visibility provides a level of security that many people still require to feel safe in outdoor space. The previous section indicates that fear of attack is still an issue for many people, and behaviours that might promote our own protection could well be related more to what is rational now, rather than indicators of primitive drives.

I argue his is a culturally situated view of beauty, space and place, a view I will discuss in the next chapter. Their findings led to continued experiments aiming to identify common factors within preferred images. Subjects were not provided with any context within which to make judgements. They were not asked explicitly to imagine being in the landscapes, or asked for instance how they might rate their preferences for landscapes as a place to live, to take a walk, if alone or with a group etc.

In my view their studies might be more properly termed landscape image preference research. In my view, the factors identified could as easily be preference factors relevant at least in part to image decoding, or a preference for culturally normative conventions of artistic or photographic composition, rather than indicating any actual experience of, or preference for particular qualities in outdoor places.

Although the Kaplans identified that participants would read into the images other associated sensations and meanings, the emphasis of this decontextualised image based research is clearly on visual aspects of place only, critiqued previously, and discussed in the next chapter. While the older age groups tested in the same area did not like the savannah images significantly more or less than deciduous or pine forest, they did like all three of these landscape types more than either tropical rainforests or deserts.

Savannah landscape visually comprises clumps of trees, often with high canopies due to grazing, set in wider expanses of grass. Elizabeth Lyons reaches a similar conclusion to mine in her study which looked at the impact of age and gender on landscape preference. In this case, it seems to me more convincing that the argument works the other way around. They found preferences operate at a subconscious level, and are therefore potentially instinctive. The preference for one image rather than another happens almost immediately and subjects are not able to articulate what they will prefer or why Kaplan, However , they found design students favoured coherence in landscape and urban images more than those without design training, architecture students had higher preference rankings for urban scenes than others, landscape students had higher preference rankings for rural scenes with built elements than others, and environmental conservationists disliked scenes with non native plants when others did not, Herzog, et al.

White and African American preferences in neither area were correlated, but African American preferences in Ann Arbor and in Detroit were correlated. The first study sampled participants from a variety of backgrounds: Italian American communities in the US, students from Yugoslavia, and urban residents of Hartford Connecticut of varying ethnicity.

The study determined preferences for the scenic qualities of landscapes using pictures and field visits. The sample size for some groups were small - only 11 participants were recorded as African American - however the African American group were found to have strongly differing preferences for landscapes using a q sort analysis than the other groups. While most participants gave lower rankings to all images or scenes containing man- made structures, the African American group found landscapes with visible structures still among the most attractive.

The research team linked this to a similar finding in the second study with participants drawn from households in Virgin Islands Islands with a population that is mainly West Indian and black , 48 staff and graduate students in Connecticut and 26 Yugoslavian students. In general there were close similarities for all test subjects in the ranking of scenes, irrespective of the origin of the participants.

The authors considered whether the economic opportunities offered by hotels had informed positive rankings among Islanders, of less importance to non residents. Evidence was not found to support this view. Ultimately they found that, unlike the Connecticut or Yugoslavian participants, Virgin Islands participants did not believe that scenic beauty is primarily an attribute of seemingly undisturbed and unmodified landscapes, which researchers attribute to cultural differences.

Other studies theorise that the relationship between urban and rural values, and of man to nature are crucial. A Dutch group Buijs, et al. They intended to investigate whether there were differences in preference for, and understandings of, images of nature and landscape between these groups. Researchers proposed that differing preferences related to ontological positions regarding the appropriate relationship between man and nature.

The use of these terms, as developed by others, see discussion in Van den Berg, et al. This is not value neutral, and to my reading, not a view of nature shared by all their participants. They found the participants who were migrants to the Netherlands used a broader definition of nature and conceptualized nature and culture less often as oppositional concepts.

Researchers felt this group expressed a more anthropocentric view of the human—nature relationship, autonomy of nature was less important for them, and they tended to prefer a high level of management of nature. They relate the views of their immigrant participants to their cultural background in what they consider to be agricultural as opposed to urbanized societies, in the participants country of origin, though it is not clear if their participants had migrated from rural areas rather than cities.

It aimed at investigating the impact of varying socioeconomic factors on landscape preference, while controlling to some extent for landscape familiarity that had previously been found to influence taste, See for example Kaplan, , Dearden, by choosing to research preferences for images of a landscape from a distant context. Although the researchers recorded participants country of origin, rather than look at this demographic characteristic, they chose to combine data by religion - Buddhist, Christian, Islamic and Hindu - as well as age, income and gender.

Every category investigated was internally mixed in terms of country of origin but not consistently. While no statistically significant differences were found, the greatest identifiable difference in landscape preferences were seen between people of Islamic faiths and people of other faiths, with the Islamic group having the least reported variation in country of origin.

A theological difference in attitudes to nature is also discussed as having potential to influence landscape preference in the study by Buijs et al described above Buijs, et al. A modern Western focus on scenic landscapes is not dominant, and landscape paintings are not very popular in Islamic cultures. Arab languages, they say, do not even have a word for the concept of landscape. Such systems of ideas would clearly have potential to influence percieved value or attractiveness of real landscapes as well as imagesof them.

The development of Anglo-European landscape preferences, and notions of place, and Britishness are discussed in the next chapter. Other studies have looked at how particular interest groups, rather than particular cultures, have differentiated preferences for particular landscapes.

Philip Dearden Dearden, investigated differences between 30 landscape planners, 30 members of the Sierra Club an environmental lobbying group , and 30 members of the general public described as urban park users with no affiliation to environmental groups, in Victoria Canada. He looked at the influence of various demographic factors as well as group membership.

The respondents were asked to Q-sort 30 colour photographs depicting three land-use types: periurban, rural and wilderness. The results indicate no significant influence of gender or income, though Dearden felt this would be worthy of further investigation. He found no bias according to professional training in planning, but a highly significant difference between the environmentalist Sierra Club members and the other groups, especially in the evaluation of wilderness scenes.

He also claimed familiarity with wilderness landscapes was linked with a preference for them, as many of those who preferred wilderness scenes spent their leisure time in wilderness areas. Page 6 agu 6 ala. Ahos, n. Akiat sa pag Away, v. Page 7 7 ala alac, alacayo, alagad, alag-ag, n. Page 8 alaa 8 ala alaiig, alang na alangan, a. Alas, v. Page 9 9 ali Alay, n. Aligi, fat part of a crab. Page 10 ali 10 alo alimano, n. Alma, n. Page 11 11 ama along,-ub, a. Aloy, v. Page 12 ama, 12 ami arnan, v.

The Lord's prayer, Our Father. Page 13 13 ainu amihan, n. North wind. Page 14 14 and Amut, v. Anay, n. Page 15 and 15 ang andamio, n. Page 16 16 ano anghit, n. Ani, hardvest. P ma ano what? We work for what we eat. Page 17 ano 17 ao ma ano ano ca? How do you do?

How are you? I must not do so. Page 18 aor 18 aqu aora mismo, at once, imnmefdiately. Asia hacia , againstf. Page 20 as, 20 ata asican-ca, spatter, you! How dirty! Page 21 21 ato itA, ati, n. Atay-Atay, n. Aton, ours, by us, us. Atoy, n. Pardon me! I beg your pardon.

Awa, n. Awang, n. Awtas, n. Away, n. Page 23 23 ayo ay, hay there is. Americano ay! There is an Americ-n! AY, suffix denoting a recipral relation each other, one another. I guess so! Ce ayo n. Page 25 ayu 25 bac ayup, manug pa ayup, n. Page 26 26 bac bacal, v. Iaernal, a. Page 27 27 bag bacunawa, n. June-bug, beetle. Page 29 bag 29 bah bagonion, n. Isn't it true? Page 32 bal 32 bal balanac, n. It goes with out saying that, You understand, I dont need to tell you that, needless to say, you are doubtless aware.

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Page 47 47 bin ca bilinggan, n. Page 48 bin 48 bis binoliga4, v. A not pig. Page 49 49 bob bisan mag ca inano lang, in any event, whatever may happen. La, n. Aferolite, metteor. Portugese man-of-war'. Page 51 51 buo botong, v. Page 52 buc 52 buc bucadcag, v. Page 54 bug 5 u 54 bug ma bug-at, a. Page 56 buh 56 bul buh6o, n.

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COLO, a prefix denoting a diminutiye or imitation colo cabayo, rock'ing horse. Page 87 87 con colon, n. Icontintuativ I. I contani, would, might, supposel, should. Conitra, 7i. Coro, n. Page 90 cue 90 cul cuelyo, n. Ceui, v. CU10,5 n?. CUIPd, n. CUMf, pa culu, v. Timperativi 31 cumara, cumbo, cumbot, 1. Page 92 cum 92 cur calumbut, v. Page 94 cut; 94 dab cutunt, it.

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